RAMSI is helping the Solomon Islands to lay the foundations for long-term stability, security and prosperity–through support for improved law, justice and security; for more effective, accountable and democratic government; for stronger, broad-based economic growth; and for enhanced service delivery (RAMSI 2006h, par. 1.). The main reason why the Solomon Islands do not send troops is because there are no defence forces in the country, also for the instability of the internal political environment and its institutions.
For 2007 and 2008, Constitutional reform is planned, but the political environment will remain fragmented and unstable (RAMSI 2006ck, 1). This complicates the possibility for the Solomon Islands to engage in peacekeeping. Because outlying areas are increasingly dissatisfied with the role of central government, and the role and responsibilities of the Australian-led intervention force will be questioned (Ibid.). As a result, negative perceptions about peacekeeping might increase among the population and the parties of the conflict. With regards to economics, continued economic growth is forecast in 2006-07, helped by the resumption of palm oil production. However, landowner hostility could prejudice the growth of the mining sector, and over-logging will continue to threaten the country's long-term future (Ibid.).
Initial variables of the data collection process:
UN/UN peacekeeping policy reform
No record.
Perception of peacekeeping
No record.
Domestic political environment
The Solomon Islands gained independence from the UK in 1978 (EIU 2006an, 4). Standards of governance were poor from the start, but mismanagement by the government of Solomon Mamaloni during the mid-1990s led to a financial crisis (Ibid.). This exacerbated long-simmering ethnic hostilities between the people of Guadalcanal (the largest island) and the many thousands from Malaita (Ibid.). This conflict has the following dynamics:
Malaitans came to dominate the public service and the police and, by the end of the decade, the hostilities had developed into militia warfare. A reform-minded government, led by Bartholomew (Bart) Ulufa'alu, was elected in 1997, but an armed Malaitan militia forced the government from office in June 2000 and installed an administration led by the former opposition leader, Manasseh Sogavare, who had also been finance minister in the Ulufa'alu government. Sogavare called a general election in December 2001, in which his People’s Progressive Party (PPP) saw its number of parliamentary seats reduced to two. A new coalition government was installed under Sir Allan Kemakeza, the leader of the People’s Alliance Party (PAP). Under his leadership, the Solomon Islands government began to disintegrate in the face of renewed ethnic conflict and growing lawlessness. (Ibid.)
Domestic economic environment
At least 80% of the population is tied to subsistence agriculture (Thomson 2006u, par. 3). The capital sector is dependent on the production of copra, timber, and fish for export, but outputs of other cash commodities—particularly cocoa, spices, and palm oil—have grown in recent years (Ibid.).
The development of large-scale lumbering operations has increased timber production considerably, and concern about the preservation of forest resources led to government restriction of log exports in 1993. In the late 1990s, the economic downturn in Asia led to the collapse of the export market for logs— primarily Japan and South Korea. In late 1997, the government devalued the currency to encourage development of other export products and to discourage the growth of imports. The economy declined by 10% in 1998, and the government initiated cutbacks in government agencies. (Ibid., par. 5)
Military affairs
The Solomon Islands has no army, but there is a well-armed police field force, which provided the weapons and many of the personnel for the overthrow of the government in 2000 (EIU 2006an, 8). Many of the Malaitan militiamen were taken into the police force as special constables; these were demobilized as part of the current intervention (Ibid.).
Foreign policy
Successive governments have followed a policy of non-alignment since independence (Ibid., 7). However, “the government’s decision in 2003 to invite in an Australian-led intervention to restore order has led to greater long-term involvement by Australia in domestic affairs, particularly now that the mission has turned its attention to issues such as corruption” (Ibid.). Being heavily dependent on foreign aid, the Solomon Islands' foreign policy is a chief concern to any leader. Kemakeza has attempted to draw foreign aid, but it has been a difficult sell (Thomson 2006u, par. 8). Australia, Japan, and New Zealand, the major economic powers in the area, look upon the island as politically unstable and corrupt (Ibid.). This creates a problem if the Solomon Islands citizens want to seek employment as peacekeepers with Australia, Japan and/or New Zealand.
Additional variables found after the preliminary analysis:
Climate changes
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by DPKO to seek troops
No record.
Independent negotiations taken by contributor countries to engage non-contributor countries
No record.
Meetings organized by other international organizations to engage in dialogue about peacekeeping
No record.
